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http://textpattern.com/?v=4.0.6 International Anti Occupation Network - home http://anti-occupation.org/ Tue, 15 Jun 2010 07:58:11 GMT Le Feyt Declaration - Peace in Iraq is an option The undersigned, friends of Iraq from France, Belgium, the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, Portugal, the United States of America, Egypt, Sweden and Iraq, organized in the International Anti-Occupation Network (IAON) and gathered in Le Feyt, France, from 25 to 27 August 2008, have adopted the following position and declaration reflecting our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq.

27 August 2008, Le Feyt, France

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The US occupation of Iraq is illegal and cannot be made legal. All that has derived from the occupation is illegal and illegitimate and cannot gain legitimacy. These facts are incontrovertible. What are their consequences?

Peace, stability and democracy in Iraq are impossible under occupation. Foreign occupation is opposed by nature to the interests of the occupied people, as proven by the six million Iraqis displaced both inside and outside Iraq, the planned assassination of Iraqi academics and professionals and the destruction of their culture, and the more than one million killed.

Propaganda in the West tries to make palatable the absurdity that the invader and destroyer of Iraq can play the role of Iraq’s protector. The convenient fear of a “security vacuum” — used to perpetuate the occupation — ignores the fact that the Iraqi army never capitulated and forms the backbone of the Iraqi armed resistance. That backbone is concerned only with defending the Iraqi people and Iraq’s sovereignty. Similarly, projections of civil war ignore the reality that the Iraqi population overwhelmingly, by number and by interest, rejects the occupation and will continue to do so.

In Iraq, the Iraqi people resist the occupation by all means, in accordance with international law1. Only the popular resistance can be recognized to express and defend the Iraqi people’s interests and will. Until now the United States is blind to this reality, hoping that a “diplomatic surge”, following the military surge of effective ethnic cleansing, will secure a government it imposes on Iraq. Regardless of who wins the upcoming US presidential election, the US can never achieve its imperial goals and the forces it imposes on Iraq are opposed to the interests of the Iraqi people.

Some in the West continue to justify the negation of popular sovereignty under the rubric of the “war on terror”, criminalizing not only resistance2, but also humanitarian assistance to a besieged people. Under international law the Iraqi resistance constitutes a national liberation movement. Recognition of the Iraqi resistance is consequently a right, not an option3. The international community has the right to withdraw recognition from the US-imposed government in Iraq and recognize the Iraqi resistance.

It is evident that Iraq cannot recover lasting stability, unity and territorial integrity until its sovereignty is guaranteed. It is also evident that the US occupation cannot avoid accountability by trying to switch responsibility to Iraq’s neighbors. A pact of non-aggression, development and cooperation between a liberated Iraq and its immediate neighbors is the obvious means by which to achieve this stability4. In its median geopolitical position, and given its natural resources, a liberated, peaceful and democratic Iraq is central to the welfare and development of its neighbors. All of Iraq’s neighbors should recognize that stability in Iraq serves their own interests and commit to not interfering in its internal affairs.

If the international community and the United States are interested in peace, stability and democracy in Iraq they should accept that only the Iraqi resistance — armed, civil and political — can achieve these by securing the interests of the Iraqi people. The first demand of the Iraqi resistance is the unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces illegally occupying Iraq — including private contractors — and disbanding all armed forces established by the occupation.

The Iraqi anti-occupation movement — in all its expressions — in defending the Iraqi people is the only force empowered to ensure democracy in Iraq. Across the spectrum of this movement it is agreed that upon US withdrawal a temporary administrative government would be charged with two tasks: preparing the ground for democratic elections and reconstituting the national army. Upon completion of these tasks the administrative government would disband, leaving decisions regarding reparations, development and reconstruction to a sovereign and freely elected Iraqi government in a state of all its citizens without religious, ethnic, confessional or gender discrimination.

All laws, contracts, treaties and agreements signed under occupation are unequivocally null and void. According to international law and the will of the Iraqi people, total sovereignty of Iraqi oil and all natural, cultural and material resources rests in the hands of the Iraqi people, in all its generations, past, present and future. Across the spectrum of the Iraqi anti-occupation movement all agree that Iraq should sell its oil on the international market to all states not at war with Iraq, and in line with Iraq’s obligations as a member of OPEC.

The 2003 US invasion was and remains illegal and the law of state responsibility demands that states refuse to recognize the consequences of illegal state acts5. State responsibility also includes a duty to restore. Compensation should be paid by all state and non-state actors that profited from the destruction and plundering of Iraq.

The Iraqi people are longing for long-term peace. On the basis of the 2005 Istanbul conclusions of the World Tribunal on Iraq6, and in recognition of the tremendous suffering of the aggressed Iraqi people, the signatories to this declaration endorse the abovementioned principles for peace, stability and democracy in Iraq.

The sovereignty of Iraq rests in the hands of its people in resistance. Peace in Iraq is simple to attain: unconditional US withdrawal and recognition of the Iraqi resistance that by definition represents the will of the Iraqi people.

We appeal to all peace loving people in the world to work to support the Iraqi people and its resistance. The future of peace, democracy and progress in Iraq, the region and the world depends on this.

Please circulate this statement widely

Members of the International Anti-Occupation Network7:

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, member of the BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee, France – Iraq
Hana Al Bayaty, Coordinator of the Iraqi International Initiative on refugees, France – Egypt
Dirk Adriaensens, member of the BRussells Tribunal Executive Committee, Belgium
John Catalinotto, International Action Center, USA
Ian Douglas, Coordinator of the International Initiative to Prosecute US Genocide in Iraq, UK – Egypt
Max Fuller, Author of For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality and Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq, UK – Crying Wolf
Paola Manduca, Scientist, New Weapons Committee, Italy
Sigyn Meder, member of the Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm, Sweden
Cristina Meneses, member of the Portuguese session of the World Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal
Mike Powers, member of the Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm, Sweden
Manuel Raposo, member of the Portuguese session of the World Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal
Manuel Talens, writer, member of Cubadebate, Rebelión and Tlaxcala, Spain
Paloma Valverde, member of the Spanish Campaign Against the Occupation and for the Sovereignty of Iraq (CEOSI), Spain

Translations by www.tlaxcala.es (The Translator’s Network For Linguistic Diversity). Tlaxcala is a member organization of the International Anti-Occupation Network

Persons or organizations who wish to express their solidarity with this campaign have the possibility to do so. Please visit Tlaxcala . People who prefer to contact the IAON directly about this declaration: mail@anti-occupation.org

International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq

Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center – USA
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff — India
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential CandidateUSA
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 – Ireland
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 – Germany
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC – World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz – Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace – Brazil
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration – Mexico
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee – India
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist – Uruguay
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 – UK
James Petras, Author – USA
Jan Myrdal, Author – Sweden
Michael Parenti, Author – USA
Peter Curman, Author – Sweden
Rosa Regàs, Author – Spain
Santiago Alba Rico, Author, philosopher, member of Rebelion, Spain – Tunisia
William Blum, Author, USA
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations – Iraq
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC – Iraq
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq’s ambassador to UN
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador
Wajdi A. Mardan, writer and Iraqi Diplomat
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist
Ridha Al Ridha, President of Iraqi Ja’fari shiits association: Al Ja’faria
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association – Iraq / UK
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion
“Hana Ibrahim”, Chair of Women’s Will Organisation – Iraq
Mohammed Aref, Science writer – Iraq / UK
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq – President of CCERF – Fallujah
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. – University of Baghdad – Iraq
Dr. Fadhil .M. Albadrani, Professor in media, journalist. baghdad – Iraq
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London – Iraq / UK
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch – Journalist – Iraq
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia
Wafaa’ Al-Natheema, independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of “Untamed Nostalgia – Wild Poems”
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary – Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt
Arab Lotfy, artist and activist, Resistance Alliance, Lebanon- Egypt
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician
Yihia Abu Safi, searcher and activist, committies RIGHT TO RETURN palestinian, member of Resistance Alliance-Cairo
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and business management – UK
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer – USA
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal – USA
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association – Mumbai / India
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor – Canada
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor – Cuba
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog – Tunis
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic – Mexico
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University – Spain
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela
Prof. Chaman Lal, Chairperson, Centre of Indian Languages, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Bhagat Singh Study – India
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International – Malaysia
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History – Italy
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International – Tunesia / India
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq – USA
David Hungerford, antiwar activist – USA
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch – UK
Dirk Tuypens, Actor – Belgium
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC – Belgium
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist – UK
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan – Belgium
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of Body Count, Global avoidable mortality since 1950, Australia
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent – Belgium
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist – Mexico
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University – Sweden
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe – Belgium
Isaac Rosa, Writer – Spain
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations – USA
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement – Germany
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University – México
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO – Edition House – Belgium
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz – Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix – Brazil
Kris Smet, Former Journalist – Belgium
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition – USA
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together – USA
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Lolo Rico, screenwriter – Spain
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation – Belgium
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid – Spain
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto – Italy
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher – Belgium
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist – Spain
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala – USA/Italy
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) – Canada
Michel Collon, author, journalist – Belgium
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ – Mexico
Mohamed Larbi Benotmane, law professor, Mohamed V University (Rabat).
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of Rebelion – Spain
Paul Vanden Bavière, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers – Belgium
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity – Cuba
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher – Peace movement, Belgium
René Naba, journalist, writer – France
Robin Eastman-Abaya, physician and human rights activist – USA
Prof. Rudi Laermans, sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven – Belgium
Sasha Crow, founder, co-directer of Collateral Repair Project
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International Action Center
Sarah Meyer, Independent researcher living in Sussex – UK
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA.
Sköld Peter Matthis, ophthalmologist – Sweden
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB – Belgium
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University) – President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland).
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University – USA
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 – USA
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 – USA
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) – USA
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist – Mexico

Endorsing Organisations

All India Anti-imperialist Forum – India
BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
CEOSI – Spain
Conscience InternationalUSA
El Taller International – Tunesia
INTAL – Belgium
International Action CenterUSA
International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) – Sweden
Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Muslim Peacemaker Teams – Iraq
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine)
Tlaxcala, The Translators’ (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity
US Academics for PeaceUSA
World Courts of Women
Collateral Repair Project (www.collateralrepairproject.org)

We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and politicians to follow their example

1 The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice. The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to counter this and achieve self-determination.
The Commission on Human Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19, 6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43, adopted 3 December 1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly Resolutions 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154).

2 Article 1(4) of the 1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed conflict situations. The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international terrorism.”

3 National liberation movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of self-determination. In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle … and to seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the Charter” and in conformity with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the Definition of Aggression (General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right to self-determination.

4 The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)) cites the principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual advantage.

5 Article 41(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law (adopted in UN General Assembly Resolution 56/83 of 28 January 2002, “Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts”), prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach [of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law]”; Section III, UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”.

6 Declaration of the Jury of Conscience, World Tribunal on Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 June 2005.

7 The International Anti-occupation Network is a coalition of groups that stand in solidarity with the Iraqi people and for Iraqi sovereignty and against the US-led occupation of Iraq. It was established in April 2006 at the Madrid International Seminar on the Assassination of Iraqi Academics and Health Professionals, the final resolution of which can be read here.

Original and official text of “Le Feyt Declaration: Peace in Iraq is an option”. This text cannot be altered. If copied in its entirety, or in parts, the original source should always be mentioned: http://anti-occupation.org

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http://anti-occupation.org/home/le-feyt-declaration-peace-in-iraq-is-an-option Wed, 17 Sep 2008 20:37:03 GMT Hana Al Bayaty tag:anti-occupation.org,2008-09-14:f43a2c577b69db44c74662cf65b1cf3a/6f98344467fe0534019540e2283156d7
Declaració de Le Feyt: La pau a l’Iraq és una opció Els sotasignants, amics de l’Iraq des de França, Bèlgica,, el Regne Unit, Itàlia, Espanya, Portugal, els Estats Units d’Amèrica, Egipte, Suècia i l’Iraq, organitzats a la Xarxa Internacional Anti-Ocupació (IAON) i reunits a Le Feyt (França) del 25 al 27 d’agost de 2008, hem adoptat la següent posició i declaració que reflecteix el nostre compromís amb el veritable fi envers l’ocupació i amb una pau duradora i sostenible a l’Iraq.

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L’ocupació dels Estats Units a l’Iraq és il·legal i no pot legalitzar-se. Tot allò que ha derivat de l’ocupació és il·legal i il·legítim i no pot obtenir legitimitat. Aquests fets són incontrovertibles. Quines són les seves conseqüències?

La pau, l’estabilitat i la democràcia a l’Iraq són impossibles sota l’ocupació. L’ocupació estrangera s’oposa per naturalesa als interessos de la gent ocupada, com ho evidencien els sis milions d’iraquians desplaçats tant a l’interior com a l’exterior del país, l’assassinat planificat d’acadèmics i professionals iraquians i la destrucció de la seva cultura, a part de més d’un milió de persones assassinades.

La propaganda a l’Occident intenta tornar quelcom acceptable l’absurditat de que l’invasor i el destructor de l’Iraq pot jugar el paper de protector de l’Iraq. La convenient por a un “buit a la seguretat” —utilitzat per a perpetuar l’ocupació— ignora el fet que l’exèrcit iraquià mai es va rendir i ara forma la columna vertebral de la resistència armada iraquiana. Aquesta columna vertebral només té la preocupació de defensar els iraquians i la sobirania de l’Iraq. A la vegada, els pronòstics de guerra civil ignoren la realitat que la població iraquiana rebutja de forma aclaparadora l’ocupació i ho continuarà rebutjant, per nombre i per interessos.

A l’Iraq, els iraquians resisteixen a l’ocupació amb tots els mitjans, d’acord amb el Dret internacional1. Només la resistència del poble pot ser reconeguda per expressar i defensar els interessos dels iraquians, i ho farà. Fins ara, els Estats Units tanca els ulls davant la realitat, amb l’esperança de que “l’onada diplomàtica” —posterior a l’onada militar que va aconseguir una eficaç neteja ètnica— salvaguardi el govern que ha imposat a l’Iraq. Independentment de qui sigui el vencedor a les pròximes eleccions presidencials als Estats Units, aquests mai podran aconseguir els seus objectius imperials i les forces que imposen a l’Iraq s’oposen als interessos del poble iraquià.

A l’Occident, alguns continuen justificant la negació de la sobirania popular amb l’excusa de la “guerra contra el terrorisme”, criminalitzant no només la resistència2, sinó també l’assistència humanitària concedida a un poble assetjat. D’acord amb el Dret internacional, la resistència iraquiana constitueix un moviment d’alliberament nacional. En conseqüència, el reconeixement de la resistència iraquiana és un deure i no una opció3. La comunitat internacional té el dret de retirar el reconeixement del govern imposat pels Estats Units a l’Iraq i de reorganitzar la resistència iraquiana.

És evident que l’Iraq no podrà recuperar l’anterior estabilitat, unitat i integritat territorial fins que la sobirania no estigui garantida. També és evident que l’ocupació dels Estats Units no pot ometre la seva responsabilitat intentant culpar als veïns de l’Iraq. La forma més obvia d’arribar a l’estabilitat és un pacte de no agressió, desenvolupament i cooperació entre un Iraq alliberat i els seus veïns més propers4. En la seva situació geopolítica central, i en virtut dels seus recursos naturals, un Iraq alliberat, pacífic i democràtic és fonamental per al benestar i el desenvolupament dels seus veïns. Tots els veïns de l’Iraq haurien de reconèixer que l’estabilitat a l’Iraq és necessària per als seus propis interessos i haurien de comprometre’s a no interferir en els seus assumptes interns.

Si la comunitat internacional i els Estats Units estiguessin interessats en la pau, en l’estabilitat i la democràcia a l’Iraq, haurien d’acceptar que únicament la resistència iraquiana —armada, civil i política— pot assolir-la garantint els interessos del poble iraquià. La primera exigència de la resistència iraquiana és la retirada incondicional de totes les forces estrangeres que ocupen il·legalment l’Iraq —la qual cosa inclou als contractistes privats— i el desmantellament de totes les forces armades establertes per l’ocupació.

El moviment contra l’ocupació de l’Iraq —en totes les seves expressions—, en la seva defensa del poble iraquià, és l’única força capacitada per assegurar la democràcia a l’Iraq. Tots els membres d’aquest moviment estan d’acord amb què, després de la retirada dels Estats Units, un govern administratiu temporal s’encarregaria de dues tasques: preparar el terreny per unes eleccions democràtiques i reconstruir l’exèrcit nacional. Un cop complertes ambdues tasques, el govern administratiu es dissoldria i deixaria les decisions relatives a les indemnitzacions, el desenvolupament i la reconstrucció en les mans d’un govern iraquià sobirà i escollit lliurement, en un Estat de tots els seus ciutadans, sense discriminació religiosa, ètnica, confessional o basada en el sexe.

Totes les lleis, contractes, tractats i acords signats sota l’ocupació són inequívocament nuls de ple dret. Segons el Dret internacional i el desig del poble iraquià, la sobirania sobre el petroli iraquià i sobre tots els recursos naturals, culturals i materials del país recau en el poble iraquià, en totes les seves generacions, passades, presents i futures. Tots el components del moviment iraquià contra l’ocupació han acordat que l’Iraq vendrà el seu petroli al mercat internacional a tots els Estats que no estiguin en guerra amb l’Iraq i que segueixin la línia de les obligacions de l’Iraq com a membre de l’OPEP.

La invasió dels Estats Units al 2003 va ser i segueix sent il·legal i la llei de responsabilitat estatal exigeix que els Estats es neguin a reconèixer les conseqüències d’actes il·legals estatals5. La responsabilitat estatal també inclou l’obligació d’indemnitzar. Tots els Estats i agents no estatals que han tret profit de la destrucció i el saqueig de l’Iraq hauran d’indemnitzar el país econòmicament.

El poble iraquià anhela la pau duradora. D’acord amb les conclusions assolides pel Tribunal Internacional sobre l’Iraq, celebrat a Istanbul a l’any 20056 i en reconeixement de l’incalculable patiment de l’agredit poble iraquià, els signataris d’aquesta declaració subscriuen els principis esmentats al damunt per aconseguir la pau, l’estabilitat i la democràcia a l’Iraq.

La sobirania de l’Iraq està en mans del seu poble alçat en resistència. La pau a l’Iraq és fàcil d’assolir: només cal la retirada incondicional dels Estats Units i el reconeixement de la resistència iraquiana, que per definició representa la voluntat del poble iraquià.

Apel·lem a tot aquell que estimi la pau al món per a que recolzi el poble i la resistència de l’Iraq. El futur de pau, democràcia i progrés a l’Iraq, a la regió i al món sencer depèn d’això.

Membres signataris de la Xarxa Internacional Anti-Ocupació7:

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, membre del Comitè Executiu del BRusells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, França – Iraq
Hana Al Bayaty, coordinadora de la Iniciativa Internacional Iraquiana per als refugiats, www.3iii.org, França – Egipte
Dirk Adriaensens, membre del Comitè Executiu del BRusells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, Bèlgica
John Catalinotto, International Action Center, www.iac.org, Estats Units
Ian Douglas, coordinador de la Iniciativa Internacional per a demandar als Estats Units per genocidi a l’Iraq, www.USgenocide.org, Regne Unit – Egipte
Max Fuller, autor de For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality i de Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq – www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, Regne Unit
Paola Manduca, científica, New Weapons Committee, www.newweapons.org, Itàlia
Sigyn Meder, membre de l’Associació de Solidaritat amb l’Iraq a Estocolm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Suècia
Cristina Meneses, membre de la sessió portuguesa del Tribunal Internacional sobre l’Iraq, www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Mike Powers, membre de l’Associació de Solidaritat amb l’Iraq a Estocolm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Suècia
Manuel Raposo, membre de la sessió portuguesa del Tribunal Internacional sobre l’Iraq, www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Manuel Talens, escriptor, membre de Cubadebate, Rebelión i Tlaxcala, Espanya
Paloma Valverde, membre de la Campanya Estatal contra l’Ocupació i per la Sobirania de l’Iraq (CEOSI), www.iraqsolidaridad.org, Espanya

27 d’agost de 2008

Le Feyt, França

International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq

Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center – USA
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff — India
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential CandidateUSA
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 – Ireland
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 – Germany
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC – World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz – Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace – Brazil
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration – Mexico
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee – India
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist – Uruguay
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 – UK
James Petras, Author – USA
Jan Myrdal, Author – Sweden
Michael Parenti, Author – USA
Peter Curman, Author – Sweden
Rosa Regàs, Author – Spain
Santiago Alba Rico, Author, philosopher, member of Rebelion, Spain – Tunisia
William Blum, Author, USA
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations – Iraq
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC – Iraq
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq’s ambassador to UN
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador
Wajdi A. Mardan, writer and Iraqi Diplomat
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist
Ridha Al Ridha, President of Iraqi Ja’fari shiits association: Al Ja’faria
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association – Iraq / UK
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion
“Hana Ibrahim”, Chair of Women’s Will Organisation – Iraq
Mohammed Aref, Science writer – Iraq / UK
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq – President of CCERF – Fallujah
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. – University of Baghdad – Iraq
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London – Iraq / UK
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch – Journalist – Iraq
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia
Wafaa’ Al-Natheema, independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of “Untamed Nostalgia – Wild Poems”
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary – Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt
Arab Lotfy, artist and activist, Resistance Alliance, Lebanon- Egypt
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician
Yihia Abu Safi, searcher and activist, committies RIGHT TO RETURN palestinian, member of Resistance Alliance-Cairo
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and business management – UK
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer – USA
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal – USA
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association – Mumbai / India
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor – Canada
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor – Cuba
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog – Tunis
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic – Mexico
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University – Spain
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International – Malaysia
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History – Italy
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International – Tunesia / India
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq – USA
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch – UK
Dirk Tuypens, Actor – Belgium
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC – Belgium
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist – UK
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan – Belgium
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of Body Count, Global avoidable mortality since 1950, Australia
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent – Belgium
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist – Mexico
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University – Sweden
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe – Belgium
Isaac Rosa, Writer – Spain
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations – USA
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement – Germany
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University – México
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO – Edition House – Belgium
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz – Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix – Brazil
Kris Smet, Former Journalist – Belgium
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition – USA
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together – USA
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Lolo Rico, screenwriter – Spain
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation – Belgium
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid – Spain
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto – Italy
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher – Belgium
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist – Spain
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala – USA/Italy
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) – Canada
Michel Collon, author, journalist – Belgium
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ – Mexico
Mohamed Larbi Benotmane, law professor, Mohamed V University (Rabat).
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of Rebelion – Spain
Paul Vanden Bavière, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers – Belgium
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity – Cuba
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher – Peace movement, Belgium
René Naba, journalist, writer – France
Robin Eastman-Abaya, physician and human rights activist – USA
Prof. Rudi Laermans, sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven – Belgium
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International Action Center
Sarah Meyer, Independent researcher living in Sussex – UK
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA.
Sköld Peter Matthis, ophthalmologist – Sweden
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB – Belgium
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University) – President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland).
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University – USA
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 – USA
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 – USA
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) – USA
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist – Mexico

Endorsing Organisations

All India Anti-imperialist Forum – India
BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
CEOSI – Spain
Conscience InternationalUSA
El Taller International – Tunesia
INTAL – Belgium
International Action CenterUSA
International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) – Sweden
Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Muslim Peacemaker Teams – Iraq
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine)
Tlaxcala, The Translators’ (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity
US Academics for PeaceUSA
World Courts of Women

We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and politicians to follow their example

Notes:

1 El dret a l’autodeterminació, la independència nacional, la integritat territorial, la unitat nacional i la sobirania sense interferències externes ha estat reafirmat en nombroses ocasions per una sèrie d’organismes de les Nacions Unides, entre els quals hi ha el Consell de Seguretat de les Nacions Unides, l’Assemblea General de les Nacions Unides, la Comissió de Drets Humans de Nacions Unides, la Comissió de Legalitat Internacional i el Tribunal Penal Internacional. El principi d’autodeterminació estableix que allà on s’hagi produït una acció que hagi suprimit per la força aquest dret, es pot utilitzar la força per contrarestar aquesta acció i assolir l’autodeterminació. La Comissió de Drets Humans ha reafirmat de manera sistemàtica la legalitat de la lluita contra l’ocupació per tots els mitjans disponibles, inclosa la lluita armada (resolució de la Comissió de Drets Humans, Núm. 3 XXXV, de 21 de febrer de 1979 i la Núm. 1989/19, de 6 de març de 1989). De forma explícita, la resolució 37/43 de l’Assemblea General de les Nacions unides, adoptada el 3 de desembre de 1982, estableix: “reafirma la legitimitat de la lluita dels pobles per la independència, la integritat territorial, la unitat nacional i l’alliberament de la dominació colonial i estrangera i de l’ocupació estrangera per tots els mitjans disponibles, inclosa la lluita armada” (vegis també les resolucions de l’Assemblea General de les Nacions Unides números 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154).

2 L’article 1 (4) Primer protocol addicional a les Convencions de Ginebra (1977) considera les lluites per l’autodeterminació com a situacions de conflictes armats. la declaració de Ginebra sobre terrorisme estableix: “Com ha reconegut de forma reiterada l’Assemblea General de les Nacions Unides, els pobles que lluiten contra la dominació colonial, l’ocupació estrangera i contra els règims racistes en l’exercici del seu dret a l’autodeterminació, tenen el dret a l’ús de la força per aconseguir els seus objectius dins del marc de la llei internacional humanitària- Aquest ús legítim de la força no s’ha de confondre amb actes de terrorisme internacional”.

3 Els moviments d’alliberament nacional es reconeixen com a conseqüència del dret a l’autodeterminació. A l’exercici del seu dret a l’autodeterminació, els pobles sota dominació colonial i estrangera tenen el dret de “lluitar (…) i de buscar i rebre recolzament, d’acord amb els principis de la Carta” i en conformitat amb la Declaración de principios de la legalidad internacional respecto a las relaciones de amistad y de cooperación entre los Estados. En aquests termes l’article 7 de la Definició d’agressió (Resolució 3314 (XXIX) de l’Assemblea General, de 14 de desembre de 1974) reconeix la legitimitat de la lluita dels pobles sotmesos a la dominació colonial o estrangera. El reconeixement per part de les Nacions Unides de la legitimitat de la lluita dels pobles sotmesos a la dominació colonial i estrangera sota ocupació és conseqüent amb la prohibició general de l’ús de la força consagrat a la Carta de les Nacions Unides, ja que un Estat que subjuga per la força a un poble mitjançant la dominació colonial o estrangera comet un acte il·legal tal i com queda definit a la legislació internacional i el poble sotmès, en l’exercici del seu dret inherent d’autodefensa, pot lluitar per a defensar i assolir el seu dret a l’autodeterminació.

4 La Declaración de principios de la legislación internacional respecto a las relaciones de amistad y de cooperación entre los Estados (Resolució de l’Assemblea General de les Nacions Unides, Núm. 2625 [XXV]) cita el principi de què “Tot Estat té el deure d’abstenir-se a recórrer a l’amenaça o a l’ús de la força contra la integritat territorial o independència política de qualsevol Estat, o a qualsevol altra forma d’actuació incompatible amb els principis de les Nacions unides”. Tan individual com col·lectivament, l’Iraq i els seus països veïns es comprometien a abstenir-se de la utilització de la força o l’amenaça de l’ús de la força així com de qualsevol mètode d’interferència en els assumptes de altres Estats. De la mateixa manera, l’Iraq i els seus països veïns també es comprometien a la cooperació i el desenvolupament basats en la negociació, l’arbitratge i el benefici mutu.

5 L’article 41(2) dels artículos preliminares sobre la Responsabilidad Estatal de la Comissió de Dret Internacional de les Nacions Unides (recollit en la Resolució 56/83 de 28 de gener de 2002 de l’Assemblea General de les Nacions Unides, “La responsabilitat de l’Estat davant de fets internacionalment il·lícits”) impedeix els Estats beneficiar-se de les seves pròpies actuacions il·legals: “cap Estat reconeixerà com a legal una situació originada per una violació greu (d’una obligació derivada d’una norma obligatòria del Dret Internacional general)”; Secció III (e), Resolució 36/103, de 14 de desembre de 1962, de l’Assemblea General de les Nacions Unides, “Declaració sobre la inadmissibilitat de la intervenció i la interferència en els assumptes interns dels Estats”.

6 Declaración del Tribunal Internacional sobre Iraq, sessió final, Istanbul 23-27 de juny de 2005.

7 La Xarxa Internacional contra l’Ocupació és una coalició d’organitzacions que treballen per la solidaritat amb el poble iraquià, per la sobirania de l’Iraq i contra l’ocupació de l’Iraq. Es va crear a l’abril del 2006 amb motiu del Seminari Internacional sobre l’assassinat de docents i personal sanitari a l’Iraq, la resolució del qual es pot llegir aquí.

Es prega difondre àmpliament aquesta declaració

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http://anti-occupation.org/home/declaracio-de-le-feyt-la-pau-a-liraq-es-una-opcio Wed, 17 Sep 2008 20:20:53 GMT Hana Al Bayaty tag:anti-occupation.org,2008-09-17:f43a2c577b69db44c74662cf65b1cf3a/141b77a2de9c0697478f0dfabaeae596
Erklärung von Le Feyt: Der Frieden im Irak ist eine Option Wir, die am Ende Unterzeichnenden, Freunde des Iraks aus Frankreich, Belgien, Großbritannien, Italien, Spanien, Portugal, den USA, Ägypten, Schweden und dem Irak und als Internationales Netzwerk gegen die Besatzung (IAON) organisiert, trafen uns vom 25.–27. August 2008 in Le Feyt und nahmen nachfolgende Position und Deklaration an, die unsere Verpflichtung für das Ende der Besatzung ohne wenn und aber und für einen dauerhaften und tragfähigen Frieden widerspiegelt.

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Die US-Besatzung des Iraks ist illegal und unmöglich zu legalisieren. Alles aus der Besatzung resultierende ist illegal und illegitim. Diese Tatsachen sind unumkehrbar. Welche Folgen haben sie?

Frieden, Stabilität und Demokratie im Irak sind unter der Besatzung unmöglich. Die ausländische Besatzung steht zwangsläufig im Gegensatz zu den Interessen des besetzten Volkes. Dies wird durch sechs Millionen irakischen Flüchtlinge innerhalb und außerhalb des Iraks, die gezielte Ermordung von Universitätsprofessoren und irakischen Fachleuten und die Zerstörung irakischer Kultur ebenso belegt wie durch über eine Million getöteter Menschen.

Die westliche Propaganda versucht die Absurdität glaubhaft zu machen, der Angreifer und Zerstörer des Iraks könne die Rolle des Beschützer des Iraks übernehmen. Die nützliche Angst vor einem “Sicherheitsvakuum ”, die als Argument zur Verlängerung der Besatzung dient – ignoriert die Tatsache, dass sich die irakische Armee niemals ergab und heute das Rückgrat des bewaffneten irakischen Widerstands ist. Dieses Rückgrat beabsichtigt einzig die Verteidigung des irakischen Volkes und der Souveränität des Iraks. Auf ähnliche Weise ignorieren die Vorhersagen über einen Bürgerkrieg die Realität, dass eine überwältigende Mehrheit der irakischen Bevölkerung die Besatzung ablehnt und weiterhin ablehnen wird.

Im Irak widersetzt sich das irakische Volk der Besatzung mit allen Mitteln und in Übereinstimmung mit dem internationalen Recht1. Der Widerstand des Volkes ist das Einzige, was als Sprecher und Verteidiger der Interessen und des Willens des irakischen Volkes anerkannt werden kann. Bis jetzt verschlossen die USA die Augen vor dieser Realität, während sie darauf warteten, dass – nach der militärischen Offensive, die eine gründliche ethnische Säuberung bewirkte – eine “diplomatische Offensive” die von ihr eingesetzte Regierung rettet. Unabhängig davon, wer bei den nächsten US-Präsidentschaftswahlen gewinnt, werden die USA niemals ihre imperialen Ziele erreichen, und die von ihr im Irak eingesetzten Kräfte richten sich gegen die Interessen des irakischen Volkes.

Im Westen versuchen einige weiterhin, die Souveränität des Volkes unter dem Vorwand des “Kriegs gegen den Terror”zu leugnen, wobei sie nicht nur den Widerstand kriminalisieren2, sondern auch die humanitäre Hilfe, die einem Volk in Nöten geleistet wird. Nach Internationale Recht ist der irakische Widerstand eine nationale Befreiungsbewegung. Folglich ist die Anerkennung des irakischen Widerstands ein Recht bzw. eine Verpflichtung und keine Option3 Die internationale Gemeinschaft hat das Recht, ihre Anerkennung für die von den USA im Irak eingesetzte Regierung zurückzunehmen und den irakischen Widerstand anzuerkennen.

Es liegt auf der Hand, dass der Irak seine Einheit, seine territoriale Integrität und dauernde Stabilität, solange nicht wiedererlangen kannn, bis seine Souveränität garantiert ist. Ebenso offensichtlich ist, dass die US-Besatzung sich ihrer Verantwortung nicht entziehen kann, indem sie versucht, die Nachbarn des Iraks zu beschuldigen. Ein Nichtangriffs-, Entwicklungs- und Kooperations- Vertrag zwischen dem befreiten Irak und seinen unmittelbaren Nachbarn ist der naheliegendste Weg, diese Stabilität zu erreichen4.Mit seiner zentralen, geopolitischen Lage und dank seiner Bodenschätze ist ein befreiter, friedlicher und demokratischer Irak fundamental für Wohlergehen und Entwicklung seiner Nachbarn. Alle Nachbarn des Iraks sollten anerkennen, dass die Stabilität im Irak ihren eigenen Interessen dient und sich verpflichten, sich nicht in seine inneren Angelegenheiten einzumischen.

Wenn die internationale Gemeinschaft und die USA am Frieden, der Stabilität und der Demokratie im Irak wirklich interessiert sind, müssen sie akzeptieren, dass nur der irakische Widerstand – der bewaffnete, zivile und politische – dies erreichen kann, indem er die Interessen des irakischen Volkes garantiert. Die erste Forderung des irakischen Widerstands ist der bedingungslose Rückzug aller ausländischer Streitkräfte, die den Irak unrechtmäßigerweise besetzen – einschließlich der privaten Vertragsunternehmen, und die Auflösung aller durch die Besatzung entstandenen Kräfte.

Der irakische Widerstand gegen die Besatzung des Irak – in all seinen Erscheinungsformen – ist bei der Verteidigung des irakischen Volkes die einzige Kraft, die in der Lage ist, die Demokratie im Irak zu sichern. Alle Fraktionen dieser Bewegung stimmen darin überein, dass eine provisorische Regierung nach dem Abzug der USA mit zwei Aufgaben betraut werden soll: Vorbereitung demokratischer Wahlen und Wiederaufbau der Armee des Landes. Sobald beide Aufgaben erfüllt sind, löst sich die Regierung auf und lässt die Entscheidungen in Bezug auf Entschädigungen, Entwicklung und Wiederaufbau in den Händen einer souveränen und frei gewählten Regierung, in einem Staat aller Bürgerinnen und Bürger, ohne Diskriminierung aufgrund von Religion, Konfession, ethnischer Zugehörigkeit oder Geschlechtszugehörigkeit.

Alle unter der Besatzung unterzeichneten Gesetze, Verträge, Abkommen und Übereinkünfte sind eindeutig null und nichtig. Nach internationalem Recht und gemäß dem Wunsch des irakischen Volkes liegt die Entscheidungsbefugnis über das irakische Erdöl sowie über alle Bodenschätze, kulturellen und materiellen Resourcen des Landes beim irakischen Volk mit allen seinen Generationen, den vergangenen, der heutigen und den zukünftigen Generationen. Alle Fraktionen der irakischen Bewegung gegen die Besatzung kamen überein, dass der Irak sein Erdöl auf dem internationalen Markt in Übereinstimmung mit den Verpflichtungen des Iraks als Mitglied der OPEC allen Staaten verkaufen sollte, die sich nicht mit dem Irak im Krieg befinden.

Die US-Invasion 2003 war und bleibt illegal und das Gesetz staatlicher Verantwortung verlangt, dass sich die Staaten weigern, Konsequenzen illegalen staatlichen Handelns hinzunehmen5. Die Staatsverantwortung schließt auch die Verpflichtung zur Wiederherstellung des ursprünglichen Zustandes ein. Entschädigung sollte von allen Staaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren, die von der Zerstörung und der Plünderung des Irak profitierten, gezahlt werden.

Das irakische Volk sehnt einen dauerhaften Frieden herbei. Auf der Grundlage der auf dem Internationalen Tribunal über den Irak, das 2005 in Istanbul stattfand6, erzielten Schlussfolgerungen und in Anerkennung der unzähligen Leiden des überfallenen irakischen Volkes, unterstützen die Unterzeichnenden dieser Erklärung die oben erwähnten Prinzipien zur Erlangung des Friedens, der Stabilität und der Demokratie im Irak.

Die Souveränität des Iraks liegt in den Händen seines Volkes, das sich im Widerstand befindet. Der Frieden im Irak ist einfach zu erreichen: Es genügt der bedingungslose Rückzug der USA und die Anerkennung des irakischen Widerstands, der per Definition nach den Willen des irakischen Volkes repräsentiert.

Wir appellieren an alle friedliebenden Menschen in der Welt, das irakische Volk und den Widerstand zu unterstützen. Die Zukunft von Frieden, Demokratie und Fortschritt im Irak, in der Region und in der Welt hängen davon ab.

Unterzeichnende Mitglieder des Internationalen Netzwerks gegen die Besatzung7

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Mitglied des ausführenden Komittees des B..Russel-Tribunals, www.brusselstribunal.org, Frankreich – Irak
Hana Al Bayaty, Koordinatorin der Internationalen Irakischen Initiative für die Flüchtlinge, www.3iii.org, Frankreich – Ägypten
Dirk Adriaensens, Mitglied des ausführenden Komittees des B..Russel-Tribunals, www.brusselstribunal.org, Belgien
John Catalinotto, Internationales Aktionszentrum, www.iac.org, USA
Ian Douglas, Koordinator der Internationalen Initiative zur Anklage der USA wegen Völkermordes im Irak, www.USgenocide.org, Großbritannien – Ägypten
Max Fuller, Autor von For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality und von Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq – www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, Großbritannien
Paola Manduca, Wissenschaftlerin, New Weapons Committee, www.newweapons.org, Italien
Sigyn Meder, Mitglied der Vereinigung zur Solidarität mit dem Irak in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Schweden
Cristina Meneses, Mitglied der portugiesischen Delegation beim Internationalen Tribunal über den Irak, www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Mike Powers, Mitglied der Vereinigung zur Solidarität mit dem Irak in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Schweden
Manuel Raposo, Mitglied der portugiesischen Delegation beim Internationalen Tribunal über den Irak, www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Manuel Talens, Schriftsteller, Mitglied von Cubadebate, Rebelión und Tlaxcala, Spanien
Paloma Valverde, Mitglied der staatlichen Kampagne gegen die Besatzung und für die Unabhängigkeit des Irak (CEOSI), www.iraqsolidaridad.org, Spanien

27.August 2008

Le Feyt, Frankreich

International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq

Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center – USA
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff — India
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential CandidateUSA
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 – Ireland
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 – Germany
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC – World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz – Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace – Brazil
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration – Mexico
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee – India
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist – Uruguay
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 – UK
James Petras, Author – USA
Jan Myrdal, Author – Sweden
Michael Parenti, Author – USA
Peter Curman, Author – Sweden
Rosa Regàs, Author – Spain
Santiago Alba Rico, Author, philosopher, member of Rebelion, Spain – Tunisia
William Blum, Author, USA
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations – Iraq
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC – Iraq
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq’s ambassador to UN
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador
Wajdi A. Mardan, writer and Iraqi Diplomat
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist
Ridha Al Ridha, President of Iraqi Ja’fari shiits association: Al Ja’faria
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association – Iraq / UK
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion
“Hana Ibrahim”, Chair of Women’s Will Organisation – Iraq
Mohammed Aref, Science writer – Iraq / UK
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq – President of CCERF – Fallujah
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. – University of Baghdad – Iraq
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London – Iraq / UK
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch – Journalist – Iraq
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia
Wafaa’ Al-Natheema, independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of “Untamed Nostalgia – Wild Poems”
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary – Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt
Arab Lotfy, artist and activist, Resistance Alliance, Lebanon- Egypt
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician
Yihia Abu Safi, searcher and activist, committies RIGHT TO RETURN palestinian, member of Resistance Alliance-Cairo
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and business management – UK
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer – USA
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal – USA
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association – Mumbai / India
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor – Canada
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor – Cuba
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog – Tunis
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic – Mexico
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University – Spain
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International – Malaysia
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History – Italy
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International – Tunesia / India
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq – USA
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch – UK
Dirk Tuypens, Actor – Belgium
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC – Belgium
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist – UK
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan – Belgium
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of Body Count, Global avoidable mortality since 1950, Australia
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent – Belgium
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist – Mexico
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University – Sweden
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe – Belgium
Isaac Rosa, Writer – Spain
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations – USA
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement – Germany
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University – México
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO – Edition House – Belgium
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz – Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix – Brazil
Kris Smet, Former Journalist – Belgium
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition – USA
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together – USA
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Lolo Rico, screenwriter – Spain
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation – Belgium
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid – Spain
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto – Italy
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher – Belgium
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist – Spain
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala – USA/Italy
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) – Canada
Michel Collon, author, journalist – Belgium
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ – Mexico
Mohamed Larbi Benotmane, law professor, Mohamed V University (Rabat).
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of Rebelion – Spain
Paul Vanden Bavière, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers – Belgium
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity – Cuba
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher – Peace movement, Belgium
René Naba, journalist, writer – France
Robin Eastman-Abaya, physician and human rights activist – USA
Prof. Rudi Laermans, sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven – Belgium
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International Action Center
Sarah Meyer, Independent researcher living in Sussex – UK
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA.
Sköld Peter Matthis, ophthalmologist – Sweden
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB – Belgium
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University) – President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland).
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University – USA
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 – USA
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 – USA
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) – USA
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist – Mexico

Endorsing Organisations

All India Anti-imperialist Forum – India
BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
CEOSI – Spain
Conscience InternationalUSA
El Taller International – Tunesia
INTAL – Belgium
International Action CenterUSA
International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) – Sweden
Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Muslim Peacemaker Teams – Iraq
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine)
Tlaxcala, The Translators’ (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity
US Academics for PeaceUSA
World Courts of Women

We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and politicians to follow their example

Anmerkungen:

1 Das Recht auf Selbstbestimmung, auf nationale Unabhängigkeit, territoriale Integrität, nationale Einheit und Souveränität ohne äußere Einmischung wurde bei zahlreichen Gelegenheiten durch eine Reihe von Organisationen der Vereinten Nationen bestätigt, darunter der UN-Sicherheitsrat, die UN-Generalvollversammlung, die UN- Menschenrechts-Kommission, die Internationale Rechts-Kommission Kommission und der Internationale Gerichtshof. Das Selbstbestimmungsprinzip sieht vor, dass dort, wo dieses Recht gewaltsam unterdrückt wurde, Gewalt benutzt werden darf, um dieser Unterdrückung zu begegnen und Selbstbestimmung zu erreichen.
Die Menschenrechtskomission hat auf die Legitimität des Kampfs gegen Besatzung mit allen zur Verfügung stehenden Mitteln einschließlich des bewaffneten Kampfes ) immer wieder bestätigt (Resolution der Menschenrechtskommission, Nr. 3 XXXV, vom 21. Februar 1979 und Nr. 1989/19, 6. März 1989. Die Resolution 37/43, der UN-Generalversammlung, am 3. Dezember 1982 erlassen, besagt explizit: “Die Rechtmäßigkeit des Kampfes der Völker für die Unabhängigkeit, die territoriale Integrität, die nationale Einheit und die Befreiung aus der Kolonialherrschaft und ausländischen Besatzung mit allen zur Verfügung stehenden Mitteln, einschließlich des bewaffneten Kampfes, wird bestätigt”. (Siehe auch die Resolutionen der UN-Generalversammlung Nummer 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154)

2 Der Artikel 1 (4) des Ersten Zusatzprotokolls der Genfer Konventionen (1977) betrachtet den bewaffneten Kampf für die Selbstbestimmung wie internationale bewaffnete Konflikte. Die Genfer Erklärung über Terrorismus legt fest: “Wie auf wiederholte Weise die Vollversammlung der Vereinten Nationen anerkannte, haben Völker, die gegen Kolonialherrschaft, ausländische Besatzung und gegen rassistische Regimes in Ausübung ihres Rechts auf Selbstbestimmung kämpfen, das Recht auf Gebrauch der Gewalt zur Erlangung ihrer Ziele innerhalb des Rahmens des internationalen Menschenrechtsgesetzes. Diese legitime Anwendung von Gewalt darf nicht mit internationalen Terrorakten verwechselt werden”.

3 Nationale Befreiungsbewegungen werden in Folge des Rechts auf Selbstbestimmung anerkannt. In Ausübung ihres Rechts auf Selbstbestimmung haben Völker unter Kolonial- und ausländischer Herrschaft das Recht “zu kämpfen (…) und Unterstützung zu suchen und zu erhalten, in Übereinstimmung mit den Prinzipien der Charta” und gemäß der Erklärung über die Prinzipien der internationalen Rechtsvorschriften freundschaftliche Beziehungen und Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Staaten betreffend. Mit diesen Worten erkennt der Artikel 7 der Definition von Aggression (Resolution 3314 (XXIX) der Generalversammlung vom 14. Dezember 1974) die Legitimiät des Kampfs der Völker unter Kolonial- oder Fremdherrschaft an. Die Anerkennung der Rechtmäßigkeit des Kampfes der Völker unter Kolonial-, Fremd- oder Besatzungsherrschaft durch die Vereinten Nationen steht in Übereinstimmung mit dem allgemeinen Verbot der Anwendung von Gewalt in der UN-Charta, denn ein Staat, der ein Volk mit Gewalt unter Kolonial- oder Fremdherrschaft bringt, begeht eine unrechtmäßige Handlung wie sie in den Vorschriften des internationalen Rechts definiert ist, und das betroffene Volk kann in der Ausübung seines unveräußerlichen Rechts auf Selbstbestimmung kämpfen, um sein Selbstbestimmungsrecht zu verteidigen und zu erlangen.

4 Die Erklärung der Prinzipien des internationalen Rechts zu freundschaftlichen Beziehungen und zur Zusammenarbeit zwischen Staaten (Resolution der UN-Generalvollversammlung, No. 2625 [XXV]) beruft sich auf den Grundsatz, dass “Staaten sich in ihren internationalen Beziehungen der Anrohung oder Anwendung von Gewalt gegen die territoriale Integrität oder politische Unabhängigkeit irgendeines anderen Staates sowie jeglicher anderer Form von Handlung, die nicht in Übereinstimmung mit den Prinzipien der Vereinten Nationen steht, enthalten sollen”. Irak und seine Nachbarn würden sich jeder für sich und gemeinsam verpflichten, sich der Anwendung von Gewalt oder der Drohung, Gewalt anzuwenden, zu enthalten und jegliche Form der Einmischung in die Angelegenheiten anderer Staaten zu unterlassen. Jeder für sich und gemeinsam verpflichteten sich der Irak und seine Nachbarstaaten außerdem zu Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung, auf der Grundlage von Verhandlungen, Schiedsverfahren und gegenseitigem Nutzen.

5 Der Artikel 41 (2) des Entwurfs der Kommission der Vereinten Nationen zum Internationalen Rechts zu den Vorschriften über die Verantwortlichkeit von Staaten, (aufgenommen in die Resolution der UN-Vollversammlung 56/83 vom 28. Januar 2002, “Das Gesetz über Verantwortung des Staates gegenüber international nicht erlaubten Handlungen”) hindert Staaten daran, sich durch ihre eigenen illegalen Handlungen bereichern: “Kein Staat soll eine Situation als rechtmäßig anerkennen, die durch eine schwerwiegende Verletzung (einer Pflicht, aus einer obligatorischen Norm des allgemeinen internationalen Rechts) verursacht wurde”; Sektion III (e), Resolution 36/103 vom 14. Dezember 1962 der UN-Vollversammlung, “Erklärung über die Unzulässigkeit der Intervention und Einmischung in innere Angelegenheiten von Staaten”.

6 Erklärung des Internationalen Tribunals zum Irak, Schlusssitzung, Istanbul, den 23.-27. Juni 2005.

7 Das Internationale Netzwerk gegen die Besatzung ist eine Koalition von Organisationen, die in Solidarität mit dem irakischen Volk für die Souveränität des Iraks und gegen die Besatzung im Irak arbeiten. Es wurde im April 2006 während des internationalen Seminars über die Ermordung von Dozenten und Sanitätspersonal im Irak gegründet, dessen Resolution hier zu lesen ist.

Bitte helfen Sie, diese Erklärung möglichst weit zu verbreiten

Übersetzung: Tlaxcala

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http://anti-occupation.org/home/erklaerung-von-le-feyt-der-frieden-im-irak-ist-eine-option Wed, 17 Sep 2008 20:08:40 GMT Hana Al Bayaty tag:anti-occupation.org,2008-09-17:f43a2c577b69db44c74662cf65b1cf3a/cc4fc27bedc520606911a82a5f163285
Dichiarazione di Le Feyt: la pace in Iraq è possibile Noi sottoscritti amici dell’Iraq in Francia, Belgio, Regno Unito, Italia, Spagna, Portogallo, Stati Uniti d’America, Egitto, Svezia e Iraq ci siamo organizzati nella Rete Internazionale Anti-Occupazione, International Anti-Occupation Network (IAON) e dal 25 al 27 agosto 2008 ci siamo riuniti a Le Feyt, in Francia, dove abbiamo adottato la seguente posizione e dichiarazione che riflette il nostro impegno per una vera cessazione dell’occupazione e per una pace sostenibile e duratura in Iraq.

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L’occupazione statunitense dell’Iraq è illegittima e non può essere resa legale. Tutto ciò che è derivato dall’occupazione è illegale e illegittimo e non può essere legittimato. Questi fatti sono incontrovertibili. Cosa ne consegue?

La pace, la stabilità e la democrazia in Iraq sono impossibili sotto l’occupazione. L’occupazione straniera si oppone per natura agli interessi del popolo occupato, come dimostrano i sei milioni di iracheni sfollati sia all’interno del paese che all’estero, gli assassini premeditati di accademici e professionisti iracheni e la distruzione della loro cultura, nonché più di un milione di morti.

La propaganda a Occidente cerca di rendere accettabile l’assurdità che l’invasore e il distruttore dell’Iraq possa anche svolgere il ruolo di suo protettore. I comodi timori di un “vuoto di sicurezza” – usati per perpetuare l’occupazione – ignorano il fatto che l’esercito iracheno non ha mai capitolato e costituisce la spina dorsale della resistenza armata irachena. Quella spina dorsale è impegnata esclusivamente a difendere il popolo iracheno e la sovranità dell’Iraq. Analogamente, le previsioni di una guerra civile ignorano il fatto che la popolazione irachena respinge in massa, per numero e per interesse, l’occupazione e continuerà a farlo.

In Iraq il popolo iracheno resiste all’occupazione con tutti i mezzi, in conformità con la legge internazionale1. Solo alla resistenza popolare può essere riconosciuto il ruolo di espressione e di difesa degli interessi e della volontà del popolo iracheno. Finora gli Stati Uniti hanno ingnorato questa realtà, e sperano che un’intensificazione delle azioni diplomatiche, dopo l’intensificazione delle azioni militari che ha efficacemente prodotto una pulizia etnica, possa salvaguardare un governo imposto al paese con la forza. Indipendentemente da chi vincerà le prossime elezioni presidenziali americane, gli Stati Uniti non potranno mai conseguire i loro obiettivi imperiali e le forze che impongono all’Iraq sono contrarie all’interesse del popolo iracheno.

Alcuni a Occidente continuano a giustificare la negazione della sovranità popolare etichettandola come “guerra al terrore”, criminalizzando non solo la resistenza2 ma anche l’assistenza umanitaria a un popolo assediato. In base al diritto internazionale la resistenza irachena costituisce un movimento di liberazione nazionale. Il riconoscimento della resistenza irachena è dunque un diritto, non un’opzione3. La comunità internazionale ha il diritto di ritirare il riconoscimento del governo iracheno imposto dagli Stati Uniti e di riconoscere la resistenza irachena.

È evidente che l’Iraq non potrà ritrovare la stabilità, l’unità e l’integrità territoriale perdute finché non sarà garantita la sua sovranità. È anche evidente che l’occupazione statunitense non può sfuggire alle proprie responsabilità tentando di addossare la colpa ai vicini dell’Iraq. Un patto di non-aggressione, sviluppo e cooperazione tra un Iraq liberato e i suoi vicini prossimi è l’ovvio mezzo con cui conseguire questa stabilità4. Grazie alla sua posizione geopolitica e alle sue risorse naturali, un Iraq libero, democratico e pacifico è fondamentale per il benessere e lo sviluppo dei suoi vicini. Tutti i vicini dell’Iraq dovrebbero riconoscere che la stabilità dell’Iraq è nel loro interesse, e impegnarsi a non interferire nei suoi affari interni.

Se la comunità internazionale e gli Stati Uniti sono interessati alla pace, alla stabilità e alla democrazia in Iraq devono accettare che solo la resistenza irachena – armata, civile e politica – può conseguirle salvaguardando gli interessi del popolo iracheno. La prima richiesta della resistenza irachena è il ritiro incondizionato di tutte le forze straniere che occupano illegalmente l’Iraq – comprese le società mercenarie – e la smobilitazione di tutte le forze armate insediate dall’occupazione.

Il movimento contro l’occupazione dell’Iraq – in tutte le sue espressioni – a difesa del popolo iracheno è la sola forza in grado di assicurare la democrazia in Iraq. Nell’ambito di questo movimento è stato concordato che al momento del ritiro statunitense venga formato un governo temporaneo con due incarichi precisi: preparare il terreno per elezioni democratiche e ricostruire l’esercito nazionale. Al completamento di questi compiti il governo temporaneo verrà sciolto lasciando le decisioni sui risarcimenti di guerra, lo sviluppo e la ricostruzione a un governo iracheno sovrano e democraticamente eletto in uno Stato composto da tutti i suoi cittadini senza discriminazioni religiose, etniche, confessionali o sessuali.

Tutte le leggi, i contratti, i trattati e gli accordi firmati sotto occupazione sono nulli. In base al diritto internazionale e alla volontà del popolo iracheno, la sovranità totale del petrolio iracheno e di tutte le risorse naturali, culturali e materiali spetta al popolo iracheno e a tutte le sue generazioni passate, presenti e future. Nell’ambito del movimento contro l’occupazione dell’Iraq tutti concordano che l’Iraq debba vendere il proprio petrolio sul mercato internazionale a tutti gli Stati che non siano in guerra con l’Iraq e in linea con gli obblighi dell’Iraq in quanto membro dell’OPEC.

L’invasione statunitense del 2003 è stata e rimane illegale e le norme internazionali sulla responsabilità degli Stati esigono che gli Stati rifiutino di riconoscere le conseguenze di azioni di Stato illegali5. La responsabilità degli Stati comprende anche il dovere di compensare i danni. Le compensazioni dovrebbero essere pagate da tutti le figure statali e non statali che hanno tratto profitto dalla distruzione e dal saccheggio dell’Iraq.

Il popolo iracheno vuole una pace a lungo termine. Sulla base delle conclusioni di Istanbul del 2005 del Tribunale Mondiale sull’Iraq6 e in riconoscimento dell’enorme sofferenza del popolo iracheno aggredito, i firmatari di questa dichiarazione appoggiano i succitati principi di pace, stabilità e democrazia in Iraq.

La sovranità dell’Iraq è nelle mani del suo popolo impegnato nella resistenza. La pace in Iraq è di facile ottenimento: ritiro incondizionato degli Stati Uniti e riconoscimento della resistenza irachena che per definizione rappresenta la volontà del popolo iracheno.

Facciamo appello a tutte le persone del mondo che amano la pace perché si impegnino a sostenere il popolo iracheno e la sua resistenza. Il futuro della pace, della democrazia e del progresso in Iraq, nella regione e nel mondo dipende da questo.

Membri della Rete Internazionale Ant-Occupazione:7

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, membro del Comitato Esecutivo del Tribunale di Bruxelles, Francia – Iraq
Hana Al Bayaty, Coordinatore dell’“Iniziativa Internazionale Irachena per i Rifugiati”:http://www.3iii.org, Francia – Egitto
Dirk Adriaensens, membro del Comitato Esecutivo del Tribunale di Bruxelles, Belgio
John Catalinotto, International Action Center, USA
Ian Douglas, Coordinatore dell’“Iniziativa Internazionale per Perseguire il Genocidio degli Stati Uniti in Iraq”:http://www.USgenocide.org, UK – Egitto
Max Fuller, Autore di For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality e Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq, UK
Paola Manduca, Scienziata, New Weapons Committee, Italia
Sigyn Meder, membro dell’“Associazione per la Solidarietà all’Iraq di Stoccolma”:http://www.iraksolidaritet.se, Svezia
Cristina Meneses, membro della sessione portoghese del Tribunale Mondiale sull’Iraq, Portogallo
Mike Powers, membro dell’“Associazione per la Solidarietà all’Iraq di Stoccolma”:http://www.iraksolidaritet.se, Svezia
Manuel Raposo, membro della sessione portoghese del Tribunale Mondiale sull’Iraq, Portogallo
Manuel Talens, scrittore, membro di Cubadebate, Rebelión e Tlaxcala, Spagna
Paloma Valverde, membro della Campagna Spagnola Contro l’Occupazione e per la Sovranità dell’Iraq (CEOSI), Spagna.

27 agosto 2008

Le Feyt, Francia

International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq

Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center – USA
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff — India
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential CandidateUSA
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 – Ireland
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 – Germany
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC – World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz – Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace – Brazil
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration – Mexico
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee – India
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist – Uruguay
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 – UK
James Petras, Author – USA
Jan Myrdal, Author – Sweden
Michael Parenti, Author – USA
Peter Curman, Author – Sweden
Rosa Regàs, Author – Spain
Santiago Alba Rico, Author, philosopher, member of Rebelion, Spain – Tunisia
William Blum, Author, USA
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations – Iraq
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC – Iraq
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq’s ambassador to UN
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador
Wajdi A. Mardan, writer and Iraqi Diplomat
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist
Ridha Al Ridha, President of Iraqi Ja’fari shiits association: Al Ja’faria
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association – Iraq / UK
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion
“Hana Ibrahim”, Chair of Women’s Will Organisation – Iraq
Mohammed Aref, Science writer – Iraq / UK
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq – President of CCERF – Fallujah
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. – University of Baghdad – Iraq
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London – Iraq / UK
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch – Journalist – Iraq
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia
Wafaa’ Al-Natheema, independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of “Untamed Nostalgia – Wild Poems”
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary – Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt
Arab Lotfy, artist and activist, Resistance Alliance, Lebanon- Egypt
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician
Yihia Abu Safi, searcher and activist, committies RIGHT TO RETURN palestinian, member of Resistance Alliance-Cairo
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and business management – UK
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer – USA
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal – USA
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association – Mumbai / India
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor – Canada
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor – Cuba
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog – Tunis
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic – Mexico
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University – Spain
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International – Malaysia
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History – Italy
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International – Tunesia / India
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq – USA
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch – UK
Dirk Tuypens, Actor – Belgium
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC – Belgium
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist – UK
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan – Belgium
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of Body Count, Global avoidable mortality since 1950, Australia
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent – Belgium
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist – Mexico
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University – Sweden
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe – Belgium
Isaac Rosa, Writer – Spain
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations – USA
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement – Germany
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University – México
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO – Edition House – Belgium
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz – Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix – Brazil
Kris Smet, Former Journalist – Belgium
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition – USA
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together – USA
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Lolo Rico, screenwriter – Spain
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation – Belgium
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid – Spain
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto – Italy
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher – Belgium
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist – Spain
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala – USA/Italy
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) – Canada
Michel Collon, author, journalist – Belgium
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ – Mexico
Mohamed Larbi Benotmane, law professor, Mohamed V University (Rabat).
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of Rebelion – Spain
Paul Vanden Bavière, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers – Belgium
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity – Cuba
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher – Peace movement, Belgium
René Naba, journalist, writer – France
Robin Eastman-Abaya, physician and human rights activist – USA
Prof. Rudi Laermans, sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven – Belgium
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International Action Center
Sarah Meyer, Independent researcher living in Sussex – UK
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA.
Sköld Peter Matthis, ophthalmologist – Sweden
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB – Belgium
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University) – President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland).
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University – USA
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 – USA
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 – USA
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) – USA
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist – Mexico

Endorsing Organisations

All India Anti-imperialist Forum – India
BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
CEOSI – Spain
Conscience InternationalUSA
El Taller International – Tunesia
INTAL – Belgium
International Action CenterUSA
International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) – Sweden
Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Muslim Peacemaker Teams – Iraq
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine)
Tlaxcala, The Translators’ (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity
US Academics for PeaceUSA
World Courts of Women

We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and politicians to follow their example

Note

1 Il diritto all’autodeterminazione, all’indipendenza nazionale, all’integrità territoriale, all’unità e alla sovranità nazionale senza interferenze esterne è stata affermato molte volte da vari organi delle Nazioni Unite, compreso il Consiglio di Sicurezza, l’Assemblea Generale e la Commissione per i Diritti Umani delle Nazioni Unite, la Commissione del Diritto Internazionale e il Tribunale Internazionale. Il principio dell’autodeterminazione prevede che ove questo diritto venga soffocato con l’uso della forza si possa ricorrere all’uso della forza per contrastare questa azione e conseguire l’autodeterminazione.

La Commissione per i Diritti Umani ha ripetutamente riaffermato la legittimità della lotta contro l’occupazione con tutti i mezzi disponibili, compresa la lotta armata (Risoluzione della Commissione per i Diritti Umani N. 3 XXXV, 21 febbraio 1979 e Risoluzione della Commissione per i Diritti Umani N. 1989/19, 6 marzo 1989). Esplicitamente, la Risoluzione dell’Assemblea Generale 37/43, adottata il 3 dicembre 1982 “Riafferma la legittimità della lotta dei popoli per l’indipendenza, l’integrità territoriale, l’unità nazionale e la liberazione dalla dominazione coloniale e straniera e dall’occupazione straniera con tutti i mezzi disponibili, compresa la lotta armata”. (Si vedano anche le Risoluzioni dell’Assemblea Generale 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154).

2 L’Articolo 1(4) del 1° Protocollo Aggiuntivo alle Convenzioni di Ginevra del 1977 considera le lotte per l’autodeterminazione come situazioni di conflitto armato internazionale. La Dichiarazione di Ginevra sul Terrorismo afferma: “Come ripetutamente riconosciuto dall’Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite, i popoli che combattono contro la dominazione coloniale e l’occupazione straniera e contro regimi razzisti nell’esercizio del proprio diritto all’autodeterminazione hanno il diritto di usare la forza per conseguire i loro obiettivi nel contesto del diritto umanitario internazionale. Questi usi legittimi della forza non devono essere confusi con atti di terrorismo internazionale”.

3 I movimenti di liberazione nazionale sono riconosciuti come conseguenza del diritto all’autodeterminazione. Nell’esercizio del loro diritto all’autodeterminazione, i popoli sottoposti a dominazione coloniale o straniera hanno il diritto di “lottare… e chiedere e ricevere appoggio, in conformità con i principi della Carta” e con la Dichiarazione relativa ai Principi del Diritto Internazionale concernente le Relazioni Amichevoli e la Cooperazione tra gli Stati. È in questi termini che l’Articolo 7 della Definizione di Aggressione (Risoluzione dell’Assemblea Generale 3314 (XXIX) del 14 dicembre 1974) riconosce la legittimità della lotta dei popoli sottoposti a dominazione coloniale o straniera. Il riconoscimento da parte delle Nazioni Unite della legittimità della lotta dei popoli sottoposti a dominazione coloniale e straniera o a occupazione è in linea con la generale proibizione dell’uso della forza sancito dalla Carta delle Nazioni Unite poiché uno Stato che ne sottopone un altro a una dominazione coloniale o straniera con l’uso della forza commette un atto illegittimo secondo la definizione del diritto internazionale, e il popolo sottoposto alla dominazione, nell’esercizio del proprio intrinseco diritto all’autodifesa, può combattere per difendere e conseguire il proprio diritto all’autodeterminazione.

4 La Dichiarazione relativa ai Principi del Diritto Internazionale concernente le Relazioni Amichevoli e la Cooperazione tra gli Stati (Risoluzione dell’Assemblea Generale 2625 (XXV)) cita il principio secondo il quale “Ogni Stato ha il dovere di astenersi, nelle sue relazioni internazionali, dal ricorrere alla minaccia o all’uso della forza, sia contro l’integrità territoriale o l’indipendenza politica di qualsiasi Stato, sia in qualunque altra maniera incompatibile con i fini delle Nazioni Unite ”. Singolarmente e collettivamente, l’Iraq e i i paesi vicini si impegnerebbero ad astenersi dall’uso della forza o dalla minaccia dell’uso della forza e da tutte le forme di interferenza negli affari di altri Stati. Singolarmente e collettivamente, l’Iraq e i paesi vicini si impegnerebbero anche nella cooperazione e nello sviluppo sulla base della negoziazione, dell’arbitraggio e del reciproco vantaggio.

5 L’Articolo 41(2) del Progetto di Articoli sulla Responsabilità degli Stati per Atti Internazionalmente Illeciti della Commissione per il Diritto Internazionale, che rappresenta la norma del diritto internazionale consuetudinario (adottata dalla Risoluzione dell’Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite 56/83 del 28 gennaio 2002, “Responsabilità degli Stati per Atti Internazionalmente Illeciti”), impedisce agli Stati di trarre vantaggio dai propri atti illeciti: “Nessuno Stato riconoscerà come legittima una situazione creata da una grave violazione [di un obbligo derivante da una norma perentoria del diritto internazionale]”; Sezione III, Risoluzione dell’Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite 36/103 del 14 dicembre 1962, “Dichiarazione sull’Inammissibilità dell’Intervento e dell’Interferenza negli Affari Interni degli Stati”.

6 Dichiarazione della Giuria di Coscienza del Tribunale Mondiale sull’Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 giugno 2005.

7 L’International Anti-Occupation Network, Rete Internazionale Contro l’Occupazione, è una coalizione di gruppi solidali al popolo iracheno, in appoggio alla sovranità dell’Iraq e contro l’occupazione statunitense dell’Iraq. È stata fondata nell’aprile del 2006 al seminario internazionale sulle uccisioni mirate degli accademici e dei medici iracheni.

Si prega di diffondere questa dichiarazione

Traduzione: Tlaxcala

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http://anti-occupation.org/home/dichiarazione-di-le-feyt-la-pace-in-iraq-e-possibile Wed, 17 Sep 2008 13:08:41 GMT Hana Al Bayaty tag:anti-occupation.org,2008-09-17:f43a2c577b69db44c74662cf65b1cf3a/98ef0a0677015a77b6c8996d48e22315
Le Feyt-förklaringen: Fred i Irak är en möjlighet Undertecknarna – Irakvänner från Frankrike, Belgien, Storbritannien, Italien, Spanien, Portugal, USA, Egypten, Sverige och Irak – som är organiserade i International Anti-Occupation Network (IAON) och som samlades i Le Feyt i Frankrike den 25-27 augusti 2008, har tagit följande ställningstagande och uttalande, vilket återspeglar vårt engagemang för ett verkligt slut på ockupationen och för en bestående och hållbar fred i Irak

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Den amerikanska ockupationen av Irak är olaglig och kan inte göras laglig. Allt som härrör från ockupationen är olagligt och illegitimt och kan inte göras legitimt. Dessa fakta är obestridliga. Vad innebär då detta?

Fred, stabilitet och demokrati i Irak är omöjligheter under ockupation. Utländsk ockupation strider till sin natur mot det ockuperade folkets intressen, vilket sex miljoner flyktingar både i och utanför Irak, de överlagda morden på irakiska akademiker och högutbildade, förintandet av deras kultur samt mer än en miljon döda är bevis på.

Propagandan i Väst försöker göra gällande att den som har angripit och förstört Irak är dess beskyddare. Rädslan för ett ”säkerhetsvakuum” som ligger nära till hands – en ursäkt för att fortsätta ockupera – tar inte hänsyn till att den irakiska armén aldrig kapitulerade och utgör det väpnade irakiska motståndets ryggrad. Denna ryggrad bryr sig endast om att försvara det irakiska folket och Iraks suveränitet. Likaså ignorerar framställningar om inbördeskrig verkligheten, nämligen att den överväldigande delen av den irakiska befolkningen, sett till antal såväl som till intresse, tar avstånd från ockupationen och kommer att fortsätta göra det.

I Irak kämpar det irakiska folket mot ockupationen med alla medel – i enlighet med internationell rätt1. Endast det folkliga motståndet kan erkännas uttrycka och försvara det irakiska folkets intressen och önskan. USA är fortfarande blint för denna verklighet i hopp om att en ”diplomatisk offensiv”, efter den militära offensiven i form av verklig etnisk rensning, ska säkra en regering som man påtvingar Irak. Oavsett vem som vinner det stundande amerikanska presidentvalet kommer USA aldrig att uppnå sina imperiemål och de styrkor man påtvingar Irak strider mot det irakiska folkets intressen.

Vissa i Väst forsätter att rättfärdiga förnekandet av folklig suveränitet under baneret ”krig mot terrorism”, vilket inte bara kriminaliserar motstånd2 utan även humanitärt bistånd till ett belägrat folk. Enligt internationell rätt är det irakiska motståndet en nationell befrielserörelse. Att erkänna det irakiska motståndet är följaktligen är följaktligen för stater en rättighet och inte bara ett val3. Världssamfundet har rätt att dra tillbaka sitt erkännande av den regering som USA påtvingat Irak och erkänna det irakiska motståndet.

Det är uppenbart att Irak inte kan återfå varaktig stabilitet, enhet och territoriell integritet såvida inte landets suveränitet garanteras. Det är också uppenbart att den amerikanska ockupationen inte kan undgå sin ansvarsskyldighet genom att lägga ansvaret på Iraks grannar. En icke-angreppspakt, utveckling och samarbete mellan ett befriat Irak och dess närmsta grannar är de självklara tillvägagångssätten för att uppnå denna stabilitet4. Med sitt centrala geopolitiska läge och med tanke på sina naturtillgångar är ett befriat, fredligt och demokratiskt Irak av stor vikt för dess grannars välfärd och utveckling. Alla Iraks grannar borde erkänna att stabilitet i Irak tjänar deras egna intressen och förplikta sig att inte lägga sig i landets interna angelägenheter.

Om världssamfundet och USA är intresserade av fred, stabilitet och demokrati i Irak borde de acceptera att endast det irakiska motståndet – beväpnat, civilt och politiskt – kan åstadkomma detta genom att säkerställa det irakiska folkets intressen. Det irakiska motståndets första krav är att de utländska styrkorna som olagligt ockuperar Irak ska dras tillbaka – inklusive privata entreprenörer – och att alla väpnade styrkor som ockupationsmakten har inrättat ska upplösas.

Den irakiska rörelsen mot ockupationen – i alla dess uttrycksformer – är den enda kraft som genom att försvara det irakiska folket har möjlighet att se till att demokrati åstadkoms i Irak. Denna rörelse är i alla dess spektra överens om att en tillfällig administrationsregering vid ett amerikanskt tillbakadragande skulle åläggas med två uppgifter: att bana väg för demokratiska val och återuppbygga den nationella armén. När dess uppgifter har fullföljts skulle administrationsregeringen upplösas och beslut rörande krigsskadestånd, utveckling och återuppbyggnad överföras till den regering som kommit till makten genom fria val – i en stat för alla dess medborgare utan diskriminering baserat på religion, etnicitet, eller kön.

Alla lagar, kontrakt, avtal och överenskommelser tillkomna under ockupation är otvetydigt ogiltiga. Enligt internationell rätt och det irakiska folkets vilja ska full suveränitet över Iraks olja samt materiella, kulturella och naturtillgångar tillhöra det irakiska folket i alla generationer – tidigare, nuvarande och kommande. Den irakiska rörelsen mot ockupationen är i alla dess spektra överens om att Irak borde sälja sin olja på den internationella marknaden till alla stater som inte krigar mot Irak och i linje med Iraks åtaganden som OPEC-medlem.

Den amerikanska invasionen 2003 var och förblir olaglig och lagar som berör staters ansvar kräver att stater ska vägra erkänna följderna av olagligt agerande från staters sida5. Stater har även ett ansvar att återuppbygga. Kompensation borde betalas av alla statliga och icke-statliga aktörer som tjänat på förstörelsen och plundringen av Irak.

Det irakiska folket längtar efter långsiktig fred. Undertecknarna av denna förklaring ställer sig bakom de ovannämnda principerna för fred, stabilitet och demokrati i Irak, baserade på slutsatserna som drogs vid World Tribunal on Irak6 i Istanbul 2005 och för att vi erkänner det angripna irakiska folkets oerhörda lidande.

Iraks suveränitet vilar i händerna på dess motståndsfolk. Fred i Irak är lätt att uppnå: ett ovillkorligt amerikanskt tillbakadragande och ett erkännande av det irakiska motståndet som per definition representerar det irakiska folkets önskan.

Vi vädjar till alla världens fredsälskande människor att arbeta för att stödja det irakiska folket och dess motstånd. Framtida fred, demokrati och framsteg – i Irak, i regionen och i världen – är beroende av det.

Medlemmar av Internationella Nätverket mot Ockupationen7:

Abdul Ilah Albayaty, medlem av BRussells Tribunals verkställande kommitté, Frankrike – Irak
Hana Al Bayaty, samordnare för Iraqi International Initiative on refugees, Frankrike – Egypten
Dirk Adriaensens, medlem av BRussells Tribunals verkställande kommitté, Belgium
John Catalinotto, International Action Center, USA
Ian Douglas, samordnare för International Initiative to Prosecute US Genocide in Iraq, Storbritannien – Egypten
Max Fuller, författare till For Iraq, the Salvador Option Become Reality och Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq, Storbritannien
Paola Manduca, forskare, New Weapons Committee, Italien
Sigyn Meder, medlem av Iraksolidaritet i Stockholm, Sverige
Cristina Meneses, medlem av portugisiska sessionen av World Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal
Mike Powers, medlem av Iraksolidaritet, Sverige
Manuel Raposo, medlem av portugisiska sessionen av World Tribunal on Iraq, Portugal
Manuel Talens, skribent, medlem av Cubadebate, Rebelión och Tlaxcala, Spanien
Paloma Valverde, medlem av Spanish Campaign Against the Occupation and for the Sovereignty of Iraq (CEOSI), Spanien

Den 27 augusti 2008

Le Feyt, Frankrike

International figures who join us in our commitment to a true end to the occupation and to a lasting, sustainable peace in Iraq

Ramsey Clark, former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center – USA
Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, former Chief of Naval Staff — India
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential CandidateUSA
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 – Ireland
Hans von Sponeck, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1998-2000 – Germany
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC – World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz – Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace – Brazil
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration – Mexico
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee – India
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist – Uruguay
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 – UK
James Petras, Author – USA
Jan Myrdal, Author – Sweden
Michael Parenti, Author – USA
Peter Curman, Author – Sweden
Rosa Regàs, Author – Spain
Santiago Alba Rico, Author, philosopher, member of Rebelion, Spain – Tunisia
William Blum, Author, USA
Issam Chalabi, former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations – Iraq
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC – Iraq
Salah Omar Al Ali, ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq’s ambassador to UN
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador
Majid Al Samarai, former Iraqi ambassador
Wajdi A. Mardan, writer and Iraqi Diplomat
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist
Ridha Al Ridha, President of Iraqi Ja’fari shiits association: Al Ja’faria
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq
Saif Al din Al Douri, Iraqi writer and researcher
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association – Iraq / UK
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion
“Hana Ibrahim”, Chair of Women’s Will Organisation – Iraq
Mohammed Aref, Science writer – Iraq / UK
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq – President of CCERF – Fallujah
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer
Buthaina al Nasiri, author and activist, iraq-egypt
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. – University of Baghdad – Iraq
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London – Iraq / UK
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch – Journalist – Iraq
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia
Wafaa’ Al-Natheema, independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of “Untamed Nostalgia – Wild Poems”
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary – Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan
Nada Kassass, activist, Egypt
Arab Lotfy, artist and activist, Resistance Alliance, Lebanon- Egypt
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician
Yihia Abu Safi, searcher and activist, committies RIGHT TO RETURN palestinian, member of Resistance Alliance-Cairo
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, computer science and business management – UK
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer – USA
Karen Parker, Attorney , Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal – USA
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association – Mumbai / India
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor – Canada
Jennifer Van Bergen, journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague
Ana Esther Ceceña, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, journalist and professor – Cuba
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog – Tunis
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Carlos Fazio, journalist and academic – Mexico
Carlos Taibo, professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University – Spain
Carmen Bohorquez, philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International – Malaysia
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History – Italy
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International – Tunesia / India
Dahr Jamail, independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq – USA
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch – UK
Dirk Tuypens, Actor – Belgium
Elias Davidsson, composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany
Eric Goeman, coordinator ATTAC – Belgium
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist – UK
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan – Belgium
Dr. Gideon Polya, scientist, author of Body Count, Global avoidable mortality since 1950, Australia
Gie van den Berghe, professor University of Ghent – Belgium
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK
Gilberto López y Rivas, anthropologist – Mexico
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University – Sweden
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe – Belgium
Isaac Rosa, Writer – Spain
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President , Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations – USA
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement – Germany
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University – México
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO – Edition House – Belgium
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz – Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix – Brazil
Kris Smet, Former Journalist – Belgium
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition – USA
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together – USA
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
Lolo Rico, screenwriter – Spain
Ludo De brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation – Belgium
Luz Gomez Garcia, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid – Spain
Manlio Dinucci, journalist Il Manifesto – Italy
Marc Vandepitte, philosopher – Belgium
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands
Maruja Torres, writer and journalist – Spain
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala – USA/Italy
Mathias Cederholm, historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium
Michel Chossudovsky, economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) – Canada
Michel Collon, author, journalist – Belgium
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ – Mexico
Mohamed Larbi Benotmane, law professor, Mohamed V University (Rabat).
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico
Pascual Serrano, journalist, member of Rebelion – Spain
Paul Vanden Bavière, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers – Belgium
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity – Cuba
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher – Peace movement, Belgium
René Naba, journalist, writer – France
Robin Eastman-Abaya, physician and human rights activist – USA
Prof. Rudi Laermans, sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven – Belgium
Sara Flounders, co-director of the International Action Center
Sarah Meyer, Independent researcher living in Sussex – UK
Saul Landau, scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA.
Sköld Peter Matthis, ophthalmologist – Sweden
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB – Belgium
Stéphane Lathion, swiss scholar (Fribourg University) – President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland).
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University – USA
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 – USA
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 – USA
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) – USA
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA
Víctor Flores Olea, writer and political scientist – Mexico

Endorsing Organisations

All India Anti-imperialist Forum – India
BRussells Tribunal – Belgium
CEOSI – Spain
Conscience InternationalUSA
El Taller International – Tunesia
INTAL – Belgium
International Action CenterUSA
International Anti-imperialist and People’s Solidarity Coordinating Committee
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) – Sweden
Medical Aid For The Third World – Belgium
Muslim Peacemaker Teams – Iraq
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine)
Tlaxcala, The Translators’ (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity
US Academics for PeaceUSA
World Courts of Women

We encourage the international peace movement, civil society and politicians to follow their example

Noter

1 The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice. The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to counter this and achieve self-determination.
The Commission on Human Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19, 6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43, adopted 3 December 1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly Resolutions 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154).

2 Article 1(4) of the 1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed conflict situations. The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international terrorism.”

3 National liberation movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of self-determination. In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle … and to seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the Charter” and in conformity with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the Definition of Aggression (General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right to self-determination.

4 The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)) cites the principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual advantage.

5 Article 41(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law (adopted in UN General Assembly Resolution 56/83 of 28 January 2002, “Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts”), prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach [of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law]”; Section III, UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”.

6 Declaration of the Jury of Conscience, World Tribunal on Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 June 2005.

7 The International Anti-occupation Network is a coalition of groups that stand in solidarity with the Iraqi people and for Iraqi sovereignty and against the US-led occupation of Iraq. It was established in April 2006 at the Madrid International Seminar on the Assassination of Iraqi Academics and Health Professionals, the final resolution of which can be read here.

Vänligen sprid detta uttalande så vitt och brett som möjligt

översättning: Tlaxcala

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http://anti-occupation.org/home/le-feyt-foerklaringen-fred-i-irak-aer-en-moejlighet Wed, 17 Sep 2008 12:59:06 GMT Hana Al Bayaty tag:anti-occupation.org,2008-09-17:f43a2c577b69db44c74662cf65b1cf3a/942d0dae49a23906f7ad1850f91fd61d